Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review
Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review starting in 2024 migrates to better secure from various unwanted things, including journal hacking and so on. To submit, the author please visit the new website page of our journal at the link https://journal.unnes.ac.id/journals/jpi MIGRATION OFFICIAL STATEMENT HERE Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review, also known as IPSR, is political science's premier scholarly journal on Indonesian politics, providing peer-reviewed articles, review essays, and book reviews from subfields throughout the discipline. Areas covered: Politics and Citizenship at the local level. Both Indonesian case ora comparative studies. IPSR has been published continuously since 2016 with registered number ISSN 2477-8060 {print}, ISSN 2503-4456 {online} published by Political Science Program, Universitas Negeri Semarang in cooperation with The Indonesian Inter-University Association for Political Science {APSIPOL}. IPSR is an open-access journal and is also available in print. IPSR has been accredited by the Indonesia Ministry of Research, Technology and Higher Education {No. 51/E/KPT/2017 December 4, 2017} period: 2017-2022 with status: Sinta 2. IPSR Indexed by:
POLITICAL PARTIES AND PARLIAMENTARY SEAT REPLACEMENT: A COMPARATIVE STUDY ACROSS FIVE DEMOCRACIES
The mechanism of interim replacement of parliamentarians constitutes a critical pillar of democratic representation, serving not only to ensure administrative continuity but also to reveal the extent of political parties’ influence over vacated legislative seats. This study conducts a cross-country comparative analysis of the role of political parties in interim replacement mechanisms (IRP) across five democracies: Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, and the United States. Using a qualitative comparative approach complemented by a Systematic Literature Review (SLR) of 58 scholarly works, the research examines the legal frameworks, institutional arrangements, and accountability dimensions that shape IRP. Findings demonstrate that in Indonesia and the Philippines, party elites wield dominant authority under the open-list system, frequently marginalising constituent participation and consolidating internal party power. In Malaysia and Singapore, although by-elections are formally prescribed, institutional loopholes and discretionary powers enable parties or governments to delay or circumvent these mechanisms, thereby compromising electoral legitimacy. Conversely, the United States exhibits higher levels of public participation through mandated special elections, with temporary gubernatorial appointments remaining tightly constrained. These variations underscore that the influence of political parties in IRP is highly contingent on each country’s institutional design, electoral rules, and governance norms. The study highlights the normative and practical implications of these arrangements and advocates democratic reforms that enhance transparency, institutional checks, and participatory safeguards, particularly in systems where parties retain near-absolute control. By linking institutional design to representative accountability, the article provides actionable insights for policymakers, scholars, and democracy advocates striving to foster more inclusive, transparent, and resilient legislative governance.
Copyright (c) 2025 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review
STREET POLITICS, DIGITAL ACTIVISM, AND DEMOCRATIC FUTURES: MEDIA DISCOURSES ON INDONESIA’S ROAD TO 2045
This study analyzes the role of youth street politics in the dynamics of Indonesian democracy by emphasizing the integration of physical and digital spaces. Unlike previous studies that tend to separate street politics from digital activism, this study combines the two through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework of national and international media coverage and reputable journal articles. The findings of this study show that youth street politics is no longer limited to physical action, but has transformed into a hybrid practice of participation that gains widespread resonance through digital amplification. Street politics functions as an arena for democratic correction while also being positioned as a threat to political stability, reflecting the ambiguity that continues to be produced in public discourse. Theoretically, this study contributes to strengthening the concept of hybrid democracy by showing that street politics is a medium of negotiation between state legitimacy, media representation, and digital community participation. Empirically, the study clarifies how digital connectivity changes the structure of mobilization and produces new meanings of civil resistance. Practically, these findings confirm that student street politics, if managed within a deliberative and participatory framework, has significant potential to strengthen the consolidation of Indonesian democracy towards 2045.
ASSESSING THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ONE DATA INDONESIA AND DIGITAL HEALTH AGENDA WITHIN THE DECENTRALIZATION ERA
This study critically examines the implementation of One Data Indonesia in the health sector, with a particular focus on the SATUSEHAT platform, within Indonesia’s decentralized governance framework. While One Data Indonesia has been promoted as a cornerstone of evidence-based policymaking and digital health transformation, its implementation in underdeveloped and fiscally constrained regions remains uneven. Good data governance is vital for effective healthcare delivery as it enables informed decision-making and enhances accountability. Without proper data governance, timely and accurate information dissemination becomes challenging, hindering the design, monitoring, and evaluation of effective policies. This necessitates addressing various aspects of data governance in health, such as data fragmentation in healthcare facilities to central institutions. This study uses qualitative methods with a case approach, including data collection techniques and secondary documents. This research finds that local governments face numerous challenges in aligning with national policies, including limited regional fiscal capacity, administrative constraints, and human resource shortages. They often rely heavily on central government transfers. Additionally, the capacity of local agencies in data management still needs to be improved. In essence, the narrative underscores that good data governance is a collective endeavor, requiring the active and informed participation of diverse stakeholders. This study contributes to the literature by providing empirically grounded insights into how decentralization conditions digital health data governance in developing countries.
AN ANALYSIS OF TAYMIYYAH’S PERSPECTIVE ON GOVERNMENT REGULATION AFFORDABILITY IN INDONESIA
One of the primary roles of the government is to regulate the private sector. Concerns regarding housing affordability are widespread among low- and middle-income households across both urban and rural areas in Indonesia, with many struggling to purchase a ome. This paper aims to highlight the issue of housing affordability and to examine the concept of government regulation from the perspective of Ibnu Taymiyyah. The theoretical foundation is based on Ibnu Taymiyyah’s value-based concept of price regulation. A qualitative method is employed, using a descriptive philosophical analysis of Ibnu Taymiyyah's thought, accompanied by interpretation of relevant texts, and contextualized within Indonesia's housing market. The purpose of this study is to emphasize the importance of government regulation as a just and proper system to prevent arbitrary practices by private actors. Government regulation, in this context, plays a critical role in supporting democratic development in Indonesia. Its implementation implies that price regulation is a necessary measure to ensure the welfare of the Indonesian state.
EMPTY BOX AS SYMBOLIC ACTION: YOUNG VOTERS’ REJECTION OF THE SOLE CANDIDATE IN GRESIK’S LOCAL
This study explores the symbolic meaning behind the choice of the "empty box" (kotak kosong) among young voters in the 2024 regional election (Pilkada) in Gresik, where only one candidate was on the ballot. Rather than seeing this choice as political apathy, this research interprets it as a conscious act of resistance and a demand for genuine political representation. Using a qualitative descriptive approach and symbolic interactionism theory, the study examines how young voters construct political meaning through their decision to vote for the empty box. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with informants aged 17–25 who reside in Gresik and intentionally voted for the empty box. The findings reveal that their decisions were shaped by critical reflection, peer discourse, and disillusionment with the lack of electoral competition. The act of selecting the empty box is understood as a symbolic expression of frustration, political identity, and expectations for democratic renewal. This study contributes by offering an empirical explanation of how symbolic political choices function as a form of youth resistance, a dimension rarely discussed in previous research on uncontested elections in Indonesia. It also provides a nuanced interpretation of the empty-box vote as a meaning-making process rather than a mere protest action.
POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND VOTER RESPONSE FRAMEWORK IN GARUT FOR THE 2024 REGIONAL ELECTION
This study analyzes the dynamics of political communication and voter responses in the 2024 Garut regional election by highlighting differences in campaign strategies, the role of the media, and the influence of local institutions. Drawing on political communication theory—including agenda setting, framing, political storytelling, and populist communication—and a neo-institutionalist approach, this study explains how formal and informal institutions shape the effectiveness of political messages. Using media content analysis, digital discourse analysis, word network visualization, and in-depth interviews, the study finds that the Helmi–Yudi ticket emphasizes an image of experience and stability, while the Syakur–Putri ticket prioritizes a narrative of change through populist and digital strategies. Social media remains a dominant arena in shaping public opinion, while Garut's socio-religious structure continues to influence voter preferences. This research contributes to the development of a model that integrates political communication and neo-institutionalism, while enriching the study of voter behavior at the local level.
RENT SEEKING: A STUDY OF RENT SEEKING PRACTICES AND RELATIONS BETWEEN RULERS AND BUSINESSMEN IN THE DECENTRALIZATION REGIME
This simple article will describe the practice of rent seeking and the relationship between the rulers and entrepreneurs in the decentralized regime. The case study taken in this study is the corruption case of the Granting of Nickel Mining Business Permits by the Governor of Southeast Sulawesi Province (Nur Alam) in Buton Regency and Bombana Regency 2009-2014. This study was written to see the typology of rent seeking practices that occurred in the corruption case of nickel mining business permits in Buton Regency and Bombana Regency, Southeast Sulawesi Province in 2009-2014. Moreover, this study also looks further into the relationship between entrepreneurs and the rulers that occurred in the area. To answer and examine this problem, the author uses various KPK report documents and media reviews of various investigative reports related to the case, then abstracts it in the theoretical framework of rent seeking. The author realizes that this data collection model is too early to draw conclusions without conducting field studies. The temporary findings of this paper are that the practice of rent seeking in the decentralized regime illustrates that the practice of rent seeking has shifted to the regions in various forms such as bribery. Moreover, the author sees a tendency for other practices in the form of rent seizing, namely the practice of rent seeking that occurs when bureaucrats try to obtain the right to allocate rent generated from state institutions for their own personal interests as was done by Nur Alam, the Governor of Southeast Sulawesi Province. Moreover, the relationship between entrepreneurs and rulers in the author's view tends not to occur state capture, but what occurs is crony capitalism.
Rent seeking; Corruption; and Decentralization
Copyright (c) 2024 Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review
TRIANGULAR FRAMEWORK FOR TUBERCULOSIS REDUCTION POLICY IN SERANG REGENCY IN 2021-2023
The main objective of this research is to analyze health policy collaboration, program innovation, and challenges faced in preventing tuberculosis in Serang Regency using a triangle framework. Unlike previous studies that often focus on single-actor initiatives, this research emphasizes the multi-stakeholder collaboration involving regional government and private-sector volunteers. The urgency of this study lies in the persistent burden of TB in Indonesia, particularly in Serang Regency, which requires integrated and adaptive policy innovation. A qualitative method was employed through desk reviews and semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders, with data triangulated for validation. Findings indicate that the innovation programs introduced by the Serang Regency Government—such as active case finding and community-based treatment—have contributed to a decrease in TB incidence, with case discovery rates declining from 230 per 100,000 population in 2021 to 198 in 2023. However, challenges remain, particularly in implementing Tuberculosis Preventive Therapy (TPT) for household contacts. Strengthening inter-sector coordination, expanding service access, and optimizing policy innovation are critical for sustaining progress.
The Presence of Padmasari Mestikajati as Women Representation on Politics
This study aims to analyze Padmasari Mestikajati's work as a representation of women in Indonesian politics, particularly in the context of local politics, which is still characterized by low female representation and strong structural barriers such as patriarchal culture, male elite domination, limited access to political resources, and the placement of female candidates in non-strategic positions. Focusing on Padmasari's campaign strategies and legislative contributions in the Central Java Provincial House of Representatives (DPRD), this study uses descriptive qualitative methods through interviews, observations, and literature studies to examine the dynamics of local politics and gender policies. The results show that Padmasari's success in retaining her legislative seat for two terms was not only influenced by her personal political capital (political kinship and educational background), but also by her ability to optimize adaptive and contextual campaign strategies, as well as the support of the 30% affirmative action quota policy that increased women's representation. Unlike many female politicians who stop at descriptive representation, Padmasari demonstrates substantive representation through the initiation of pro-women policies, particularly the advocacy for the provision of lactation rooms and the strengthening of kindergarten education infrastructure. Thus, this study emphasizes the importance of examining female figures who are not only electorally successful but also capable of transforming representation into concrete policies, thereby contributing theoretically and empirically to the development of studies on women's representation in local politics in Indonesia.
COURT INTEGRATION AS A FORM OF INCLUSIVENESS IN THE INDONESIAN JUDICIAL SPHERE
Indonesia, as a nation that officially recognizes religious pluralism, faces unique challenges within its judiciary system, particularly with respect to the exclusive Islamic Religious Courts. Referencing various laws and regulations, such as Law No. 3 of 2006 on Religious Courts, which caters only to Muslims, there exists a potential for discrimination that could impact social harmony and justice. This research aims to investigate possible discriminatory practices in the Religious Courts and explores a comparison with the judiciary system in the Netherlands, which is more inclusive and comprehensive in handling religious cases. Utilizing juridical-normative, comparative, and statutory approaches, this study examines the urgency of integrating the Religious Courts with the Civil Courts to create a more effective and inclusive judiciary system in Indonesia. Findings suggest that this integration is crucial to eliminate exclusive preferences and discriminatory practices, ensuring equal access to justice for all citizens regardless of their religious affiliation. The study recommends legislative reform in judicial laws to include principles of inclusivity, which will strengthen equality and justice across Indonesia.
Court; Religion; Discrimination; Inclusivity; Integration
THE 'REBORN' PHENOMENON OF A FORMER PRESIDENT: NAVIGATING LEADERSHIP LEGACY AND POLITICAL SHADOWS IN A NEW ERA
The "reborn" phenomenon of former President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) following the conclusion of his term has introduced a new dynamic into Indonesian politics. Unlike most former leaders who opt to retreat from the public eye to focus on personal or spiritual pursuits, Jokowi remains actively engaged in various public activities. His consistent presence, warmly received by the public, has sparked speculation about the motivations behind his involvement and its implications for the new administration under President Prabowo Subianto. Jokowi’s continued visibility in the public sphere raises concerns about the potential blurring of authority between the new leadership and the perception that his political influence remains significant even after stepping down. This article seeks to analyse the motivations and impacts of Jokowi’s post-presidency engagement from social, political, and psychological perspectives. Additionally, it explores Javanese cultural traditions, such as the concept of “lengser keprabon madeg pandito ratu,” which underscores the importance of spiritual reflection for former leaders. By understanding this historical and cultural context, this study aims to provide insights into how a former leader can maintain relevance in modern Indonesian politics and the implications for political stability and power consolidation during the transition to a new administration.
Reborn of former leader; leadership transition; Joko Widodo; Political stability, Lengser keprabon
THE SOCIO-MATERIAL POWER OF COAL: THE DOWNSTREAMIZATION OF COAL AND THE ENERGY TRANSITION CHALLENGE
Under the Paris Agreement in 2015, many countries are adaptive to the issue of climate change, especially the energy transition agenda through coal phasing out. However, the issue of coal phasing out has not received enough attention from energy issue researchers. Although as one of the largest coal producing countries in the world, Indonesia faces major challenges for the purpose of mitigating climate change. Under Joko Widodo's government, the situation was responded to with the coal downstream policy. Departing from the formulation of the research problem, the research question of this study: how does downstreamization of coal answer the challenge of low carbon in the middle of coal dominance? The purpose of this study is to test the relevance of coal in answering the challenges of energy transition. This study is an explanatory-qualitative research by using a case study approach strategy with the Jokowi administration's coal phasing out agenda case with a documentation study technique. The results of the research show the increasing importance of coal in driving the energy transition. The relevance is made possible because coal is the country's main support to encourage energy transition with the downstreamization of coal. In this case, the materiality of the biophysical character of the resource allows coal to create a new space in the form of a link in the supply chain of the national energy system in the context of a low carbon economy. The coal material ultimately contains the socio-material power that determines the energy transition.
Energy transition; Coal phase-out; Downstreamization policy; Materialit
ANALYSIS OF MEDIA REPORT FRAMING ON JOKOWI DYNASTY POLITICS IN THE 2024 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
The issue of the Jokowi political dynasty is a trending topic in the 2024 presidential election. Media reporting tends to lead to negative reporting, so researchers differentiate between positive, neutral, and negative framing from the various sources selected. This research aims to look at media framing in providing a view of the politics of the Jokowi dynasty in the 2024 presidential election. The method used is a literature review analysis approach with data sources from news media Antara.news, Kompas.com, and Suara.com. The analysis tools used in this research are Vosviewers and Nvivo 12 Plus. This study found that President Jokowi also provided support to his sons Gibran Rakabuming Raka and Anwar Usman, as chairman of the Constitutional Court (MK), was proven to have violated ethics by giving a decision regarding the age limit for candidacy. This can be the basis for future research in building perspectives and uncovering complexities.
Media framing; Dynasty politics; General election.
COMPARISON OF THE ANIES AND GEMOY URGENT CAMPAIGN MODELS IN THE 2024 PRESIDENTIAL AND VICE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS
Entering the campaign period on January 21, each pair of candidates used various unique campaign models which were considered effective in attracting the hearts of the Indonesian people. Since the start, the public has been excited about Gemoy, which is the trending campaign model of candidate pair number 02 Prabowo-Gibran, while pair 01 Anies-Muhaimin has also attracted attention with the latest campaign model introduced by Desak Anies. This research uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques in this research include literature study and field study. The research results show that there are significant similarities and differences between the Desak Anies and Gemoy campaign models. The similarity between the two lies in the target of the campaign model used, namely the young generation in the age range of 17-40 years with a percentage of 53% of the number of voters in Indonesia. On the other hand, the fundamental difference between the two lies in the ideas put forward in Desak Anies and Gimik which are put forward through the Gemoy campaign model. Specifically, the differences between these two campaign models can be seen using eight comparative variables referring to Nowak and Warneryd's Campaign Model theory which includes; Intended effect, Competing communication, Communication object, Target population & receiving group, Channel, The message, The communicator/sender, and The obtained effect. Despite this, the results in the field show that the majority of people tend to be interested in the Gemoy campaign model compared to the Desak Anies campaign model which tends to be intellectual, characterized by a debate of ideas.
Campaign model; Urges Anies; Gemoy; General election.
SELECTION OF KPU AND BAWASLU MEMBERS: FIT AND PROPER TEST IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF ELECTION LAW AND MERITOCRACY
Commision II of DPR RI plays a crucial role in selecting election organizers at the national level by conducting a fit and proper test (FPT) process. The decisions and mechanisms of the FPT process directly affect the integrity of the election results. This research aims to identify aspects of political recruitment that are applied in the design of the FPT for prospective members of the Indonesian KPU and Bawaslu for the 2022-2027 period using qualitative descriptive methods and data collection techniques through literature studies and interviews. The results show that there is a gulf between the candidacy (candidates’ suitability) and selectorate (political actors) aspects, namely the involvement of political party members in the selectorate aspect, which leads to preferential selection guided by the interests of the political parties. In the technical and location aspect, the difficulty of access for candidates outside Jakarta, a lack of in-depth exposure to the FPT process, the absence of assessment instruments, and limited public involvement are obstacles in what should be a merit-based system in principle. This finding implies that the selected election organizers who are free from political interests are an anomaly in selection processes run by political institutions.
Fit and proper test; Commision II DPR RI; Political recruitment; KPU and Bawaslu selection
SOCIETY AND GOVERNMENT POLICY IN THE ERA OF UMAR IBN KHATTAB AND ITS CONTEXTUALISATION IN INDONESIA FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF ISLAMIC GOVERNANCE AND MAX WABER'S CHARISMATIC THEORY OF LEADERSHIP
Umar Ibn al-Khattab was the second caliph in Islamic history after succeeding the caliph Abu Bakar al-Siddiq. He was one of the Prophet's companions who had strong morals, was energetic, fair, and wise, had a firm and complex character, and had managerial and administrative skills. Umar as caliph, only ruled for approximately ten years, but in that short period of time, many successes and advances were experienced by the Islamic community, especially in the economic field. So it is common in the history of the Islamic world that Umar's reign was a golden age in Islamic history. The success of Umar's leadership, especially in reforming and developing the economic system of the community and prospering their lives, was due to his scientific ability, ijtihad, and an established managerial system in managing the country's foreign exchange. Proper utilization and distribution, as well as strict supervision and discipline. This can be understood from various political, social and educational economic legal policies. The purpose of the research is to find the concept of auditor independence from the perspective of Umar bin Khattab. This research is qualitative research, using the biographical type tarikh method with the figure Umar bin Khattab. Through tarikh, the author wishes to understand his life. The policies he took were based on the principles of Islamic governance even though they were different from the previous era.
Society; Policy; Umar Ibn Khattab; Islamic government; Charismatic of leadership
SINO-US COMPETITION DYNAMICS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: A CASE STUDY OF THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE AND FREE AND OPEN INDO-PACIFIC
This study examines the competitive dynamics in Southeast Asia under the frameworks of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP), two key strategies reshaping the region’s geopolitical and economic landscape. Using a qualitative approach supported by extensive literature review, the research applies Kenneth Waltz's Power Balance Theory to analyze this rivalry. The BRI has accelerated infrastructure development and regional connectivity, strengthening economic ties between China and Southeast Asian nations. However, it raises concerns over economic dependence and the potential for China to exert undue political influence. On the other hand, the FOIP seeks to counterbalance China’s influence by enhancing alliances and security partnerships led by the United States and its allies. This rivalry creates a complex scenario for Southeast Asian countries, requiring them to navigate economic opportunities while addressing geopolitical risks. The study highlights how these initiatives influence foreign policy strategies across the region and their broader implications for stability and security. By exploring the interplay of economic and strategic factors, the research deepens understanding of Southeast Asia’s evolving power dynamics and provides insights into managing the challenges posed by these competing frameworks. This analysis enriches the discourse on the region’s critical role in a contested global order.
Southeast Asia; Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP); Geopolitical landscape; Economic landscape; Regional competition
DISMANTLING POLITICAL DYNASTIES: TRANSFORMATION OF PANCASILA DEMOCRACY IN THE CONTEXT OF FAMILY POWER
Dynastic politics is still a dominant phenomenon in Indonesia's political system, showing that political power often belongs to certain families. In this context, Pancasila democracy continues to transform, facing major challenges in maintaining pluralism and justice in the political process. This study aims to investigate the impact of political dynasties on the transformation of Pancasila democracy and explore efforts that can be made to overcome the dominance of family power in politics. This research uses a qualitative approach with content analysis techniques to examine related literature, empirical data, as well as interviews with political and civil society experts who have direct experience with political dynasties. The results showed that political dynasties had a significant impact on Pancasila democracy, reducing people's political participation, reducing pluralism, and causing injustice in the distribution of power. However, the research also revealed several civil society initiatives and policy reforms that might reduce the dominance of political dynasties and strengthen Pancasila democracy. The implication of this research is the need for joint efforts from governments, civil society, and international institutions to address the problem of political dynasties in Indonesia's political system. Policy reforms are needed that support inclusive political participation, reduce wealth gaps and access to political power, and strengthen political oversight and accountability mechanisms to ensure that Pancasila democracy continues to function in accordance with its principles.
Political Dynasty; Pancasila democracy; Power; Dismantling
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PENTAHELIX COLLABORATIVE GOVERNANCE MODEL MINIMUM SERVICE STANDARDS (SPM) FOR HEALTH WITH HYPERTENSION IN LOCAL GOVERNMENTS
The aim of research is to find factors that cause failure local government in providing access to basic types of services for hypertension sufferers according to SPM to all district residents, formulating appropriate regulations and public administration models and being able to mobilize collaboration among all pentahelix components to provide types of hypertension services according to the SPM, compiling and formulating models and strategies for collaborative collaborative governance, understand the role of facilitative leadership in collaborating across all pentahelix nodes , as well as creating breakthrough innovations in hypertension services. Research uses non-experimental qualitative methods with a case study approach, paying attention to the results of pre-eliminary studies , empirical facts and magnitude of public problems. Application of the pentahelix collaborative governance model has proven effective in increasing coverage of SPM for hypertension. Effective regulations consist of a regent's decision letter regarding the implementation of the pentahelix collaborative governance model, determining sub-district locus and a social contract between regent and all champions pentahelix. Cooperation model, roles and technical responsibilities of hypertension services for each pentahelix component at district, sub- district, village and RT/RW regional government levels, are regulated using a conceptual framework and business process standard for governance flow and reporting flow for implementation of pentahelix collaborative governance model. Facilitative and innovative leadership is the key to the success of Pentahelix collaboration in providing types of hypertension services that are easily accessible to all district residents.
New paradigm of public administration; Pentahelix collaborative governance, Minimum hypertension service standards.
SACRALIZATION OF PANCASILA: IDEOLOGY AND REPRESSION IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PANCASILA IDEOLOGY DEVELOPMENT BOARD (BPIP) AND GUIDELINES FOR THE APPRECIATION AND PRACTICE OF PANCASILA (P4)
Pancasila's role has become an unavoidable topic of dispute. For intellectuals, Pancasila should be an open ideology. The authorities frequently make Pancasila a closed doctrine. Ideology becomes closed when it is officially implemented by the state and interpreted unilaterally to assess incompatibility with societal interpretations. This qualitative study compares New Order government policies to the Guidelines for the Appreciation and Practice of Pancasila (P4) project run by the Pancasila Ideology Development Agency (BPIP). Various journal papers were collected, evaluated, and seen through the lens of ideology and repression. According to the research findings, when Pancasila was institutionalized, such as during the New Order period, it was frequently employed as a beating stick for parties that disagreed with the government's political goals. This potential can also be observed in BPIP during Joko Widodo's tenure, if executed strictly. Pancasila is founded on the principle of openness, which was echoed by the Founding Fathers. Often told behind closed doors using a frozen sacralization procedure.
Pancasila sacralization; Ideology; Repression; P4; BPIP.
THE EVALUATION OF THE COAL TRANSPORTATION GOVERNANCE POLICIES IN JAMBI PROVINCE
This research is aimed at evaluating the policies issued by the Jambi Provincial Government in order to organize coal transportation. Since 2012, the Jambi Provincial Government has issued a series of policies aimed at regulating coal transportation so that its negative impacts, particularly related to congestion and road damage, can be overcome. Using William N. Dunn's policy evaluation concept which consists of six indicators, namely: effectiveness, efficiency, alignment, adequacy, responsiveness and accuracy. This research uses a combined qualitative and quantitative approach by interviewing the Department of Transportation and the Department of Energy and Mineral Resources of Jambi Province, the Directorate of Traffic and Traffic of the Jambi Regional Police, the community and public policy observers as data sources. Data were analyzed using qualitative data analysis consisting of data reduction, data presentation, data analysis and conclusions. The research results reveal that there are three indicators that are of particular note to the Jambi Provincial Government regarding the handling of coal transportation in Jambi. First, the Jambi Provincial Government's policies have not been effective in overcoming the negative problem of coal transportation because long traffic jams and road damage often occur. Second, with the limited authority it has, the Jambi Provincial Government is quite efficient in overcoming coal transportation problems through a series of policies from 2012-2022. Third, the Jambi Provincial Government's policies are not appropriate to overcome the problem, because what is needed is the construction of a special coal road or using the Batanghari River.
Policy; Evaluation of policy; Coal; Province government; Jambi.
FROM PEACE AGREEMENT TO POLITICAL ARENA: WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS AFTER 15 YEARS OF THE MOU HELSINKI IN ACEH
The Helsinki MoU is the peace agreement signed on August 15, 2005, between the Government of the Republic of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) in Helsinki, Finland. In the context of political participation, the MoU urges Acehnese to increase women's participation in politics through affirmative action, particularly a 30% quota in legislative bodies. However, after 15 years of the MoU, Acehnese women’s participation in politics is still yet far from the quota. Thus, this study aims to examines the effectiveness affirmative action policy through the landscape of gender and the persistent gaps between policy intent and outcomes. This study used a qualitative reseach method with post-positivist approach. The data were collected through in-depth interviews with members of the Aceh People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Aceh, DPRA), political party representatives, and women's empowerment officials. The secondary sources were derived from legislation, reports, and media. Findings reveal persistent structural, cultural, and institutional barriers, such as patriarchal norms, limited political support, insufficient resources, and weak institutional enforcement—that hinder the effectiveness of affirmative action policies. As the result we found that while legal frameworks exist, the actual empowerment of women in Aceh’s political sphere remains constrained and symbolic.
SENTIMENT OF YOUTUBE SOCIAL MEDIA USERS TOWARDS THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES OF GANJAR PRANOWO AND PRABOWO SUBIANTO IN THE 2024 ELECTION
YouTube is one of the most widely used social media sites in Indonesia, with 139 million users. YouTube provides users with the freedom to comment on existing videos with very diverse sentiments. This research aims to determine and describe the sentiments of YouTube social media users regarding the presidential candidacy of Ganjar Pranowo and Prabowo Subianto in the 2024 general election. This research uses mixed methods with Mozdeh application to collect data and analyze sentiment on YouTube social media. It shows that the sentiment of YouTube social media users towards Ganjar Pranowo tends to be positive with a score of 2 (weak) with a percentage value of 11.26% and negative sentiment with a score of 2 (weak) with a percentage value of 1.35%, and Prabowo Subianto tends to be positive with a score of 2 (weak) with a percentage value of 10.40% and negative sentiment with a score of 2 (weak) with a percentage value of 1.44%. Trends from Ganjar Pranowo and Prabowo Subianto on YouTube tend to fluctuate. Apart from that, the two supporters will continue to vote for the two presidential candidates even though there are issues affecting them.
Sentiment; YouTube; Presidential candidates; Social media.
ANALYSIS OF INTRINSIC VALUE AND INSTRUMENTAL VALUE OF DEMOCRACY IN PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD
This article aims to discuss the presidential threshold in the process of nominating president and vice president in Indonesia with the concept of the values of democracy introduced by Adam Swift (2014). In contrast to the dominant legal-normative approach which views the presidential threshold from its pros and cons, this paper uses a political philosophy perspective which sees that the position of pros and cons are related to each other. Starting from the assumption of the values of democratic, the author sees that the debate (pros and cons) reflects the intrinsic and instrumental value of democracy. To understand the relationship between the pros and cons with the values of democratic, this research uses qualitative methods with a literature study approach. The analysis shows that, tension between pros and cons do not negate each other, but inevitably presuppose each other. This study concludes that the presidential threshold should be lowered to 5% of seats in parliament and 10% of the valid national vote to accommodate all interests.
Presidential threshold; Pros and cons; The values of democracy; Indonesia.