Kidungan Jula-juli in East Java: Media of Criticism and Propaganda (From The Japanese Occupation Era to The Reform Order in Indonesia)

This research aims to determine the historical construction of criticism and propaganda formed in Kidungan Jula-juli performance in each era. Kidungan is a song in the Gending Jula-juli in East Java. The musical text presented in the song seems to be open (blak-blakan [openness]), assertive, and emotionally becomes the power of criticism. Historical issues concerning the function of Kidungan Jula-juli are interesting enough to be known, thus encouraging this study to get a basic and detailed understanding of the historical stages of the role of Kidungan Jula-juli from the Japanese era to the reformation era. This study using a historical approach and emphasizes the problem of music function. The analysis was carried out by looking at the ideas, concepts, and cultural references that accompanied the performance of Kidungan Jula-juli. The results of this study indicate the dynamics of the function of criticism and propaganda in Kidungan Jula-juli. During the Japanese occupation era, Kidungan Jula-juli was very sharp in its role as an instrument of the independence movement; from 1950 to 1965, Kidungan Jula-juli was used by political parties to strengthen political support and propaganda. In the New Order Era, kidungan lost the function of criticism. The state controlled it for the sake of propaganda and the legitimacy of power. Kidungan Jula-juli is more open and present on a stage with other performing arts in the era of the reform order.


INTRODUCTION
Kidungan is identical to the pantun (poem or parikan) with the accompaniment of slendro-tuned gamelan (Setiawan, 2021). Remo dancers usually perform kidungan as a distraction in the dance, which is generally called nggandhang (singing) and often performed by comedians in Ludruk's performances. The word of kidung epistemologically can be interpreted as a song, therefore in practice and the way it is carried and propaganda in the Japanese colonial era. Until now, the function is still maintained by responding to social issues that arise amid community life (Samidi, 2019). The musical response in Kidungan Jula-juli performance raises the question, how is the history of Kidungan Jula-juli from the Japanese occupation to the current era (reformation)? Does the function remain the same as music criticism? What is the form of Kidungan Jula-juli in each era?
Apart from the many studies of music in this field, I see that there are still not many studies that produce findings regarding historical construction to find out the function and form of Kidungan Jula-juli from the Japanese era to the current period. Ikwan Setiawan's research discusses the transformation of Ludruk from the Soekarno era to reform using the cultural studies approach. The results of the analysis carried out there are three findings. First, in the Soekarno era, there was a Ludruk group who joined the People's Cultural Institute (Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat or LEKRA). They brought provocative stories about poor people and criticized Islamic beliefs. Second, after the 1965 tragedy, the military controlled all of Ludruk's performances, including the stories that were told. In this era, the themes that were staged supported the development of the new order regime. Third, in the age of reform, Ludruk's groups brought ideas on contemporary social issues. Ikwan Setiawan, in his paper, provided information about the function of Ludruk's performance as a propaganda media and did not give information on criticism in Kidungan Julajuli, even though in Ludruk there is a kidungan presentation (Setiawan and others, 2014). Ikwan Setiawan's research does not explicitly provide an analysis of the text of Kidungan Jula-juli in each era. Therefore, this research seeks to complement studies in that context. Tomy Michael wrote an article discussing "Law Enforcement through 'Ludruk' and Cultural Progress." The study's contribution is to provide information on how music is used as a means of combating corruption. This means that the assimilation between music and the legal (law) paradigm has resulted in a program to tackle corruption (Michael, 2018). The discussion conducted by Tomy is still very limited to the legal paradigm. It has not provided a full explanation of the historical construction issues of Kidungan Jula-juli journey as a music of criticism and propaganda more broadly. The article titled "Jula-juli Pandalungan and Surabayan Cultural Expressions of Javanese-Madurese and Javanese Cities" is a study I conducted in 2012. The goal is to reveal the relationship that was built between Jula-juli Pandalungan and Surabaya as a musical fact with the dimensions of the experience of the culprit as a cultural fact (Setiawan, Suyanto, and other, 2017. The study provides information on how Jula-juli contributes to the formation of social and cultural identity but does not offer an analysis in the area of the historical construction issues of Kidungan Jula-juli from time to time. Music criticism from the perspective of Ludruk's performance in Hefner's article adds information about how Ludruk's performance appears as a social forum and values control. However, studies conducted by Hefner have not yet profoundly touched on the construction of criticism and propaganda. Hefner explored how Ludruk's performances shaped social and political forums and negotiated questions of control, power, authority, and local identity. Hefner also offers methods for dealing with sources of conflict and tension in their society (Hefner, 1994). The study conducted by James L. Peacock provided information that in the era of 1945, the Ludruk drama was a legendary drama performance that had elements of traditional Javanese and Madurese culture and had a modern Nationalist-Communist-Indonesian theme, and was very popular in Surabaya. The stories featured include stories of the Indonesian revolution, with many nationalist and anti-Dutch sentiments (Peacock, 1967b). Field research by Peacock made an essential contribution to this study, especially information relating to Ludruk's function in criticism. However, Peacock's analysis did not provide complete information about the textualmusical Jula-juli.
The articles above, have not explicitly provided information on historical construction in the development of Kidungan Jula-juli, so this study is essential to complete the previous research. Interest in this topic is based on the argumentation that each era has its cultural context and political dynamics. Kidungan Jula-juli will undoubtedly adapt to each of these eras so that the representation of the content of the performance becomes very meaningful to be known in each period. Kidungan Julajuli's contents lie in the parikan, and the parikan is the main component of the kidungan and is present as the leading force in describing the ideas of criticism and propaganda so that parikan analysis in each era will be revealed here. The parikan content was delivered using spoken language, and I feel this is quite interesting because it gives an influence on the flexibility of the message content, which impacts the ease of receiving meaning.
Kidungan also quickly adopts a variety of topics as a parikan theme, usually involving political, cultural, social, economic issues that can be poured into the strains of the kid in the form of praise, criticism, or satire (Samidi, 2019). Even in the performance, Kidungan Juli-juli often becomes a decoration of different and unique words. The problem is how the parade of Kidungan Jula-juli appears in each era. The historical construction of criticism and propaganda built in the performance of the Jula-juli chant can be known, and this issue is to be answered in this study. The novelty side of this research is to explain the traces of Kidungan Jula-July's development in the realities of political life in Indonesia chronologically. This has never been done because existing studies always link kidungan with the development of ludruk performances. Through this research can clearly understand the close relationship between social (political) facts and musical facts. Music (Kidungan Jula-juli) is thus not me-rely a sound but an "archive" that records various problems and human dynamics.

METHOD
This study uses a historical approach to find out more in detail the phenomena that occur in the Kidungan of Gending Jula-Juli course. The historical method is used to see the periodization, then to find out more details about the phenomenon of the text in the lyrics of the Jula-Juli music, discourse analysis approach is used. Discourse analysis views language or text as not merely a means of communication but the way humans see and translate the world (Johnstone, 2018), including the suffering or pain of life they experience. Art, especially music, then changes the language or words to be sung. Therefore, seeing the language or words in the lyrics is not enough just to be translated verbally or as it is, but is bound by the aesthetic structure of music that frames it (Langer, 1953). Although it contains criticism and propaganda as in the Kidungan of Jula-juli, the language in music can also provide an objective understanding of the conditions or political situation in his day.
The data that has been obtained, especially the lyrics or the text of the Kidungan Jula-juli, are classified according to their period. This allows the researcher to find out in more detail the political upheaval that occurred at the time the kidungan was sung. Besides, the text or lyrics of the kidungan are tested for truth by showing them to the selected source, namely Kartolo (maestro, singer of Kidungan Jula-juli). Thus, the kidungan data presented in this paper has gone through a rigorous testing procedure in classification, coding, analysis, and finally, explanation.

Parikan in Kidungan Jula-juli
Parikan has been known in various traditional Javanese performances such as jathilan, angguk, langendriyan, shadow puppets, ludruk, kentrung and others. The term parikan is taken from the Javanese, pari, which means pantun (poem), so that parikan is a collection of various kinds of pantun. Parikan contains the elements of making rhymes, which consist of sampiran and isi (content). In Javanese, sampiran is ancang-ancang (will do something) or a question, while the isi is the essence of the parikan which can be called the main element or answer. Sampiran and isi together form a rhythmic structure, so that in the parikan, the vowel sounds at the end of the sentence must be the same between sampiran and isi. The sampiran and isi of the parikan must be balanced, rhythmic, and full of high vitality. The sampiran ends with the pedhotan alit (short breath), and the contents end with the pedhotan ageng (long breath). When the sampiran is spoken, the expression is still in a coma and will stop at the point when entering isi. Sampiran contains messages that are challenging, tickling, will foster ingenious and enchanting isi. Sampiran and isi relationships are equal; nothing is more dominant or essential. Both are complementary, forming an aesthetic (Endraswara, 2005).
In Kidungan Jula-juli, parikan diction is straightforward to accept. The use of the vocabulary is called Gatra Purwaka, which represents the moral values of the community. All of his words hold the pragmatic power that is useful for those who convey it (Wijayanti, 2018). In the Kidungan Jula-juli the use of a parikan is a must, even parikan is one of the most important factors of the kidungan component.
Parikan generally uses subtle language, full of courtesy, adi luhung (krama, alus, inggil), while parikan in Kidungan Jula-juli uses everyday speech. The language functioned as a language of conversation or the everyday language of communication for the people of East Java, commonly referred to as Ngoko Javanese. Because it uses the vocabulary of daily communication, the nature of the parikan in Kidungan Jula-juli is very flexible, making the owner community understand the meaning and meaning of the message easily.
This reality shows if the characteristic of kidungan is accommodating. There is no binding standard in creating kidungan texts, and this is different, for example, with the poem-parikan-pantun in the Javanese style of Surakarta or Yogyakarta. Usually, the language in the form of Surakarta or Yogyakarta style has particular rules governing such as subtle, classical, elite, etc. For Javanese people, this is called "pakem" (standard). In the singing of Kidungan Julajuli, any language and to any degree, can be used so that it often seems harsh (Hatley, 1971). Therefore, the tendency that arises, Kidungan Jula-juli can be sung by anyone with high flexibility without having to fear violating the standard. In figure 1 is the notation (main tone) Gending Jula-juli. The created parikan depends very much on the interpretation of the pengidung (singer). A pengidung is demanded to be creative and has a high sensitivity to various phenomena that occur in society. As revealed by Sidik Wibisono (a pengidung), as follows.
That is art. A Ludruk performer who wants to hold a parikan performance should analyze the circumstance of society. Before I have a performance, I used to sit or walk around the audience. I ask the steering committee to tell me some famous persons who attend the show. After that, I do a little check on them, one by one, to see their parlances, how they sit, or other gestures. Then in my parikan, those essential people's names will be mentioned. I find that this trick is always successful in dragging the attention because, mostly, audiences recognize those kinds of famous people. And when people start to laugh and give applause, I do enjoy and feel grateful for it. ( Setyorakhmadi, 2007).
Because the kidungan is accommodating and flexible, historically, it cannot avoid the function of criticism and social control. The music function of kidungan became a song of East Javanese style, a medium of resistance, and struggled during the revolution and served to give moral instructions (Day and others, 1996). According to McCullagh (2004), historical identification has several functions to identify trends in each periodization. Therefore, I will divide several stages of the history of the kidungan as a medium of criticism and propaganda, namely the Japanese occupation era, the 1965 era (communist party), the new order era, and the last is the reformation era. Each of these stages has a detailed description and will be explained as follows.

Japanese Occupation Era (1942)
Before the Japanese occupied Indonesia, the Dutch were present as invaders. During the Dutch colonial era, Jula-juli (especially in Ludruk's performances) was used as a medium for anti-Dutch opposition and propaganda and gave rise to nationalist ideas (Hatley, 1971). This made Ludruk unable to live well in the Dutch era. But when Japan entered, traditional arts began to get a chance to exist again. The attention of the Japanese army to the arts cannot be separated from the propaganda efforts they carry out as well. In particular, Japan established an independent department called "Sendenbu," which was responsible for propaganda and information on civil administration. Various media are used to carry out this mission, such as pamphlets, posters, photos, books, traditional art shows, and films. The most promoted media are film, traditional performing arts, and music. They considered the media to be the most effective way of influencing rural uneducated and illiterate people, who were a large part of the Javanese population. Japan knows that written media such as newspapers, books, magazines, and pamphlets, are very ineffective and only have a limited effect, mainly only on city dwellers, but are of no use to rural communities (Kurasawa, 1987).
Japanese propaganda strategy policy also influences the life of traditional arts, so this is an opportunity for traditional arts to rise and come back to life, especially Ludruk. The rise of Ludruk opened possibilities for resistance against Japanese domination. Through Kidungan Julajuli, they carried out a rebellion. The main character is Cak Gandha Durasim, one of Ludruk Organisatie's leaders, but in that decade, it was more famous as Ludruk Durasim (Peacock, 1967a andZuhriyyah, 2018). Jombang was the first place Durasim lived, and then he moved to Surabaya. Ludruk Organisatie is a new style Ludruk group that performs in comedy shows. The emergence of Ludruk Organisatie was due to the development of many comedian groups in the Dutch East Indies (Zuhriyyah, 2018). Ludruk Organisatie was the only Ludruk who performed the first performance in Surabaya. Peacock revealed the form of Ludruk Organisatie created by Tjak Gondo Durasim in the 1930s. Durasim was previously a comedian in the arts of Besut. Besut is an art that is older than Ludruk. The figure of Durasim, seen in Figure  2, is the main character who prepared the Ludruk troupe to perform in a city theater in Surabaya (Peacock, 1969). For every performance performed, Durasim mostly played a role as a comedian in Kidungan Jula-juli performance. Durasim's existence in the world of Ludruk and his ability as a pengidung in Surabaya attracted the attention of one of the figures of the Indonesian National movement at the time, namely Dr. Soetomo. The reason was the ability of Durasim, who was smart, to bring Kidungan Jula-juli, which contained criticism of the Japanese invaders. Even in Soeloeh Ra'jat Indonesia, July 19, 1931 dr. Soetomo gave a view if Durasim was worthy of joining a movement organization called PBI (Persatoean Bangsa Indonesia -Indonesian national unity-) because every song that was delivered contained a kind of nationalism (Zuhriyyah, 2018). One of Durasim's Kidungan used as a media of criticism of the Japanese occupation and is seen as a form of nationalism can be seen in Table 1. The kidungan sung by Durasim criticized Japan at the time, resulting in many Ludruk artists following Durasim's way so that every time there was a Ludruk performance, the artists always used the Jula-juli Song as a media of criticism. Because it is famous as a media for criticism, many Ludruk groups, including Ludruk Organisatie, are overseen by the Japanese. As a result of the kidungan increasingly popular as a song of criticism, finally, Ludruk Organisatie did not get a stage permit; Durasim was arrested and imprisoned by the Japanese. According to Supriyanto, Cak Durasim was captured by Japan while performing in the Village of Mojorejo Jombang, imprisoned, and died in August 1944. To commemorate Durasim, the East Java Provincial Government used the name Dura-sim as the name of the East Java Cultural Park, known as the Cak Durasim Surabaya Theater (Supriyanto, 2004).

The Communist Party Era (1950-1965)
Propaganda using performance art is a topic that is often discussed in the history of the performing arts and politics in the world. Likewise, in Indonesia, during the Soekarno (president) regime, the state made great efforts to include radical political content in theater performances, especially Ketoprak and Ludruk (Gunawardana, 1971). The ideological penetration through the performing arts made political dynamics in 1965 so dynamic that it had considerable influence on the performance of the Kidungan Jula-juli. In the 1950s to 1960s, the dominance of political parties such as the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and the Indonesian National Party (PNI) was quite significant because it was the party with the most supporters, and this had a considerable influence on the development of Kidungan Jula-juli. In 1953, the Lekradi branch was formed by a local ludruk group called POST (the Association of Tjermee Theater Organizations -Association of Tjermee Theater Organizations) under the PKI in Cerme (northwest of Surabaya). Lekra's development in the area is getting better, and Ludruk is growing (Miller 2015). The use of art as the capital of PKI's ideological penetration aims to attract people to its meetings. There has been a lot of literature describing how PKI utilizes popular forms of Javanese culture, such as shadow puppets, folk theater, ketoprak, and also Ludruk, in realizing its interests (Anna-Greta Nilsson Hoadley, 2005).
This shows that traditional arts, including Ludruk, were able to become a mobilizer in conveying the vision and mission of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). There were two very famous Ludruk at that time, namely Ludruk Marhaen under the PKI and Ludruk Tresno Enggal, who were under military guidance (Andri Setiawan, 2019). In 1945 Ludruk Marhaen was born and affiliated with the drama Pesindo (Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia -Indonesian Socialist Youth-), and in 1950 changed its name to Pemuda Rakyat (Peacock, 1969). Although it does not directly have official relations with the PKI or Pemuda Rakyat, many of its actors are actively involved in Lekra. In 1961, Ludruk Tresno Enggal was actively engaged with the military. Ludruk Tresno Enggal received indoctrination from military officers who emphasized themes against imperialism and colonialism and appeared more often in military camps (Andri Setiawan, 2019). The fact that Ludruk was affiliated with a political party shows that Ludruk, through Kidungan Jula-juli was the most influential political propaganda tool at the time. This method is done because Ludruk provides a place for Kidungan Jula-juli to convey the message symbolically by mocking, testing, and manifesting criticism in ways that are not available through other means (Hefner, 1994). The growing popularity of Ludruk has encouraged people to try to create new Ludruk groups. The aim is to seek profits in the form of money from the two most influential political parties (PKI and PNI) so that there are several pengidung and performers from Ludruk who are not from the general artist group. As a result, many new Ludruk-Ludruk appear like Ludruk Anorga in Malang, Ludruk Urill A in Malang, Ludruk Tresno Enggal in Surabaya, Ludruk Kartika in Kediri (Hatley, 1971).
A large number of Ludruk groups in East Java that became the driving force for political party propaganda made the Ludruk group split into two big groups. The Ludruk group supports the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), and the Ludruk group supports the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI). According to Kartolo (personal communication), it is not uncommon for the two groups to meet at an adjacent stage when conflicts arise. The two groups attacked each other on the stage using the text of Kidungan Jula-juli; this can be seen in table 2. The political situation at that time was uncertain, and the pressure on the PKI grew. Eventually, the election positioned the PKI as a losing party. Communist ideas began to be put aside systematically; demonstrations against the PKI were everywhere. The impact caused, there were many political unrests between the pros and cons of communist ideology (Wieringa and Katjasungkana, 2018). The climax is the occurrence of a separatist movement on 30 September (G 30 S PKI). The move had an impact on the existence of Kidungan Jula-juli, which previously shelter at the Ludruk show. The kidungan who initially supported the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) did not dare to appear more openly. This is indicated by a large number of disappearances (abductions) of Ludruk artists who joined Lekra, whose whereabouts are still unclear.
Kidungan singer in the Ludruk show, turned to support the Indonesian National Party (PNI) by voicing the party's aspirations and ideology. On the other hand, some kidungan were blasphemous about communist ideas. Unfortunately, until now, I have not gotten data that states what the kidungan was like during the upheaval of the PKI's rejection. Some resource persons can only summarize the impression and description of the atmosphere of the time inherited from their predecessors without being accompanied by examples of more constructive chants. I realize that the detailed picture that has not been generated from several sources may also be due to the "fear syndrome." Fear of being called part of communism. Therefore it is very natural that in this context, I cannot provide a more comprehensive picture of kidungan given these reasons.

New Order Era
After the political upheaval of 1965, the Kidungan Jula-juli became a new form of communal kidungan. Kidungan is not only present and is limited to the Ludruk art form, but is used in every art event in East Java, such as Tandakan (Tayuban: Central Java), bersih desa (clean village), wedding party, and so on. The nature of the kidungan is flexible, with everyday language, resulting in a very efficient way to play by anyone, anywhere and at any event. Until finally, the kidungan spread to other areas in East Java, and each region has its characteristics and styles, such as the Singa Jula-juli style Jombangan, Surabayan, Malangan, and so forth. These styles have their techniques, character, and characteristics (Setiawan et al., 2017).
During the New Order period, Kidungan Jula-juli was also used as political propaganda to spread the ideology and legitimacy of the Soeharto (president) government. One of the Kidungan Jula-juli groups whose theme shows the support of the New Order government is Kartolo CS, whose poster is seen in figure 4.  tolo, 2006) Many of the themes of kidungan are sung by Kartolo group that supports national development as an effort by the government to realize the Five-Year Development goals (PELITA). In the New Order era, all the Kidungan Jula-juli groups lost the function of criticism in the context of political life. The performance was limited to entertainment and jokes with themes about mocking friends, relatives, or close neighbors. The cessation of criticism of the New Order government through the Kidungan Jula-juli was entirely fearful of all the artists of the accusations of PKI supporters. As for the New Order era, the theme of the kidungan can be seen in Table 3.
Almost every Ludruk group in East Java uses the theme of development as a form of support for government programs as above. Besides, the kidungan also participated in supporting other government program regulations, such as support for agricultural applications, health (prevention of dengue fever socialization, immunization), and so forth. In the new order era, kidungan was used for propaganda and the legitimacy of state programs.

Reformation Era
The economic crisis that struck Indonesia in 1998 disrupted the political stability of the New Order. In 1998 the state and situation of the government began  Kidungan criticism began to appear like complaints about the impact of the economic crisis. Prices of food needs soared, people's purchasing power declined, and food needs were difficult to fulfill, and the text of the kid can be seen in Table 4. Post-1998, kidungan artists have the freedom to display kidungan without fear of getting persecution from the government as before (the new order era before 1998). Complaints-themed kidungan arose because of the government's inability to save the economy at that time. The singer of the song Kidungan Jula-juli who often throws criticism in this era is Cak Sukis, seen in figure 5. After the reformation order, the kidungan artists became bolder and more open (blunt) in expressing the theme of criticism. This happened until now. Kidungan, as a media criticism, always arises when there are problems with government policies that do not favor the people. Like the Lapindo Mudflow tragedy in Porong Sidoarjo (mudflow disaster). This event can be packaged in Kidungan Jula-juli as a source of criticism, and the lyrics of Kidungan Jula-juli by taking the Lapindo Mud theme can be seen in Table 5.
Until now, the reformation era, the function of the Jula-juli Kidungan as a media of criticism, persists. The topic and theme of the kidungan always follow the dynamics of cultural development and Indonesia's social politics dynamics. This is a reason behind the kidungan that still survive in East Java.

CONCLUSION
In the era of Japanese occupation, Durasim was a significant figure in the world of Ludruk, Dr. Soetomo regarded Durasim as an essential figure in the representative nationalism of traditional artists, because of Durasim's ability to pack a kidungan in criticizing Japanese invaders. The era of 1950 to 1965 was the dynamics of the struggle for Ludruk artists between the Indonesian Communist Party The order of disaster in East Java Sidoarjo is the highest area Porong is a fertile area Now, mudflow has destroyed all over the area What is the cause of Lapindo Mudflow?
People of Porong only got a half-life Not just the officials but also its line Therefore, many people's spirit is loose now But the government never stops in giving promise It says that victims will get indemnity Unfortunately, it was all just promise False promise for not expend the indemnity (PKI) and the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI). Some of Ludruk's artists who joined Lekra were no longer known, so there was a change of support process, resulting in a stronger Ludruk group supporting PNI. In the new order era, kidungan lost the function of criticism and was controlled by the state for the sake of propaganda and the legitimacy of power. Post-1998 or the era of the reform era, kidungan artists have their freedom to return to kidungan. They are no longer worried about getting persecution from the government as before in the new order era before 1998. In this era, the Julajuli Song was developing very well and could appear everywhere and even collaborate with other traditional arts. Kidungan has developed into an aesthetic expression and a representation of the upheaval of the artist's soul and its supporting community.