Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun Dance AS A Tourism Superior Asset In Puro Mangkunagaran

This research aims to describe responds and cultural practice that happened in Mangkunagaran based on the repression of tourism world. This research is an analytical research based on ethnographic study. Triangulation data is collected from the interviewees together with the manuscript of dance performance and direct observation of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun dance. Classification of tourism dance is responded by Puro Mangkunagaran as the objectification of Bedaya Bedhah Madiun as a free dance. The cultural response potentially alters the semiotic sign system associated with ‘bedhaya' sign. This is a sign to Bedhaya to add the profanity of Bedaya as a tourist attraction. The objectivity of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun by Puro Mangkunegara also has a potency to deconstruct the understanding of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun as a tourist attraction, Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun is not an imitation from the origin and it is not full of variation. Cheap or expensive the dance is, becomes relative. Furthermore, secrecy does not exist in the stage reality, but moves to hyper reality (in the fantasy and nostalgia of the audience). Respond and cultural practice of indicated Puro Mangkunagaran as a cultural institution which is active in doing the production-reproduction of meaning and the tourism enhancement.


INTRODUCTION
Bedhaya dance as an attribute of greatness of the king is created and showed in the palace. It is usually showed in specific events such as the coronation of the new king (jumenengan) and the annual commemoration of the coronation event (tingalan jumenengan). The exception is happened during the struggle period of Pangeran Sambernyawa (K.G.P.A.A. Mangunegara I). Bedhaya Anglir Mendhung was created while running the guerrilla war tactic between 1740-1757(Mangadeg, 1998. Bedhaya Anglir Mendhung was also being feels stronger after the emergence of the presidential decree of Republic Indonesia Number 23 Year 1988 which is stated that palace is a part of cultural heritage of the nation that needs to be maintained as an effort to preserve the national culture for the tourism. Presidential decree Number 23 year 1988 becomes a new doctrine for Puro and other parties who saw culture as an important aspect for the nation life. Repression shown in the way that palace is considered as a cultural heritage, and the heritage of a culture needs to be maintain in order to preserve the national culture. At the end, everything is held, done, and preserved for the sake of tourism. Palace which was physically and dynamically cultural is reduced to adjust the cultural heritage. Cultural heritage was then being re-reduced as an object that needs to be preserved as a medium to support the success of national culture. The objectification of the second reduction is culture as a part of tourism. The economical instrumental orientation placed the culture as a tool to achieve a material goal. Therefore, other three orientations are forgotten. Those are cognitive aspect, expression, and normative (Siregar, 2004). Soedarsono (1999) stated that dance -in Puro is becoming an important attraction as a tourism asset that has some characteristics, those are: a) imitating the origin; b) packaging briefly and densely; c) having full of variation; d) abandoning the magical and sacred values; as well as e) being cheap for the tourists. This classification is felt to be a new repression for the palace other than Presidential Decree No. 23 mentioned above. Criteria a) and c) are claims towards art in tourism as artificial art, criteria of points b) and e) are claims towards art in tourism as a cheap art, and d) is a claim towards reduction of tourism sacrecy.
It is interesting to look back to the response of the palace which in this connection is Puro Mangkunagaran against the two repressions that until now have not been revealed yet. Study related to the respond is based on the assumption that one of the characteristics of life is sensitive to the excitatory (irritability), which means that there is a response to the pressure. In relation to culture, an active institution is an institution that still produces meaning. This research context takes Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun case which in the beginning is a legitimate power dance of Sri Paduka Mangkunegoro VII which is then being objectified as tourist attraction. Since culture is a signification practice by using the dichotomy of signified and signifier in semiotics. Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun's research makes a description on the responses and cultural practices which attempts to change the meaning of the two signifiers, namely Bedhaya and art in tourism. Bedhaya as dance is an attribute of power which is in one side is paradoxical compare to the art in tourism which places the material as a goal.

METHOD
Research data is collected by doing observation, interview, and documentation. Data is mainly gathered from direct observation of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun performance in World Dance Day on 29 April 2015 located in Pendapa Institut Seni Indonesia (ISI) Surakarta. Data that is collected through documentation technique is document G. no. 42. "Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun". It is the collection of Rekso Pustoko Mangkunegaran Surakarta. This research focuses on the ethnography methods especially in methods 12 of ethnography's chronological (Spradley, 2007) which is summarized as 4 core steps: a) selection of interviewees; b) interview; c) note taking; d) analysis and data presentation.

Structure and Change of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun
Puro has the trilogy of Bedhaya (Anglirmendhung, Diradameta, and Sukapratma) arranged by Sri Paduka Mangkunagoro I, Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun arranged by Sri Paduka Mangkunegoro VII, and Bedhaya Surmasumirat which is arranged in Sri Paduka Mangkunegoro IX era. Every Bedhaya has its own specialty. Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun has some special features: 1) arranged by Sri Paduka Mangkunegoro VII; 2) arranged in the greatest time of Puro era, therefore, used as a symbol of prosperity; 3) all performances including dancers, instrument players, and swarawati are women; 4) the duration is relatively short (44 minutes); 5) having symbolic of war as the theme.
Characters chosen as the inspiration in dance making process are the special characters that are cherished by the Puro's family. That is the war of Panembahan Senapati that can be seen in Bedhah Madiun dance, illustrating the event of conquest of Kadipaten Madiun by Mataram. The proof that Panembahan Senapati is special to Puro's circle is stated explicitly in Wedhatama by K.G.P.A.A Mangkunegoro IV in the first passage of the second stanza of Sinom (traditional Javanese song): nulada laku utama | tumrape ing tanah Jawi | wong agung ing Ngèksigônda | Panêmbahan Senapati | kapati amarsudi | sudaning hawa lan nêpsu | pinêsu tapa brata | tanapi ing sari ratri | amêmangun karyenak tyasing sasama (Padmasusastra, 1898).
Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun is performed by 7 dancers with their roles: batak (symbol of intelectual), gulu (symbol of road), dhaha (symbol of heart), endhel (symbol of human desire), apit ngajeng (symbol of right hand), apit wingking (symbol of left hand), and buntil (symbol of genitals) (Munarsih, 2010). The main dance symbolizes conflict between intelectual and human desire. Even if in the history, it was told that Panembahan Senapati is married to Retno Dumilah (princess and daughter of Rangga Bupati Madiun), the narration through dance is not about love scene like other Bedhaya in general. Relation between perfeormers needs a specific research since Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun is loaded with historical events and very complicated symbols.
It becomes important to underline that Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun is a tool of legitimate power of Sri Paduka Mangkunagoro VII who attempts to release the discourse of Panembahan Senopati character in event of madiun conquest. When we see through the plain eyes, it can not be seen through the character and make up/ costume. There are other elements that give the narration. That is cakepan sindenan like Gending Gendakusuma (4 lines) as these following quotations: ||babo| nenggih kawuwus wau| engge| kangjeng panembahan| senapati| ing alaga nata| babo| raja ing mataram|| ||babo| kala andon yuda| engge| nglurug mring nagara| ing brang wetan| temah unggul ing prang| babo| kangjeng panembahan|| ||babo| karsa nglajengena| eng-ge| ngecak nampuh praja| ing madiun| sagung wadya kuswa| babo| njarah ang-rerayah|| ||babo| mbesmi dhusun-dhusun| engge| janma ing madiun| kawus kawus| nggiris kapelajar| babo| awis purun ngla-wan|| Narration about the war in Madiun is clearly seen in the lyrics of cakepan in the performance, but it cannot be guaranteed that it can clearly heard by the audiences. Narration and lyrics are not something that has important relation with narration dance. The objectivity of dance can be a chance to Dance objectification can be the opportunity to launch a discourse of priorities through human efforts to defeat his low wishes (symbolized by desire) using intellectual.
Here is the vocabulary order arranged in the songs in which is used in the sacred version in Bedhaya Bedah Madiun) (Mangkunagaran Manuscript, G. 17 p. 1).
Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun as a dance attraction is similar to the sacred version, except number 1 and number 6 because it is a ritual scene of worship to Pengageng Puro. The real duration of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun performance is 44 minutes (Munarsih, 2010). Meanwhile, the dance attraction of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun duration is around 20 minutes. The shortening of duration is obtained from the deletion of maju beksan and mundur beksan and also the reduction of the repetition of motion.
Another part that is not included in the dance attraction of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun is sesaji (offerings) ritual ceremony which is conducted one day before the dance performance. Ritual ceremony of sesaji is called as uluk-uluk led by the most senior abdi dalem gandarsan (sesaji arranger) and sesaji is brought by lurah bedhaya. All abdi dhalem in charge of performing the ritual must wear dodot jangkep with ukel ageng and wear samir (Javanese traditional costume). There are 6 elements of sesaji: dark blue sticky rice, traditional snack, sega megana (tumpeng liwet rice with eggs and fish), tumpeng asahan (tumpeng with dry side dishes like yeast, tempeh, and jerky), sega golong (round white rice) and chicken pecel, kembang setaman, and mancawarna flower. After praying, all sesaji in the form of food and flowers are taken back and then distributed to the dancers and pengrawit (instrument players). Another requirement is that during the performance, it is required to burn dupa and should not be extinguished till the end of the dance performance.
It can be seen from the lists of movement vocabulary that Puro is not doing a reduction to the performance material. The deletion of sembahan and ritual parts are form of objectification respond of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun performance in the form of act that decontextualizing the dance. In Puro, Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun is a symbolical construction along with other elements such as Sri Paduka Mangku-

Cultural Respond Related to Tourism Doctrine
This is a special part which is analyzing the cultural responds which are given by the interviewees after the questions are raised especially about their respond in the repression of culture through the tourism doctrine. The list of questions and important answers in the interview can be seen in the lists as followed: Questions which is given to the interviewee 1 1) Do Mangkunagaran party feel depressed with the Presidential Decree no. 23 of 1988 (regarding to the status of Mangkunagaran as a cultural heritage of the nation that needs to be maintained in order to preserve national culture for tourism)?
2) What is Mangkunagaran's response related to that Puro's Profanation?
3) Do you agree that Bedhaya which is identic with sacrecy is used as tourism assets?
Answers of interviewees 1 1) At the beginning, when we are listening to the story of our predecessor, some people feel depressed with this president decree, but there are also people that do not care. However, that is what happened at that moment. It is hard for Mangkunagaran to be in an area which is in the past was really shunned by our predecessors, anything that leads to the worldly pleasures. The world of tourism is certainly very important in the form of money and we are in a position that need it as a requirement to run our organization including traditional ceremonies that require big cost. However, in fact, our expectations are clashing with the simple and realistic wish of thinking that we are supposed to negoro VII as pengageng Puro, pendopo as a symbol of position of the ruler, as well as other symbols (Suyati Sutarwo Sumosutargyo, interview, 2017). By having those symbols, it is expected that people do not feel that their rights are reduced in getting Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun as an object of appreciation.
Cultural events in the form of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun objectification affect the sign system in Bedhaya marker. The theoretical implications affected by this dance performance include: 1) Bedhaya dance is not always an attribute of the King's power but can be staged anywhere; 2) There is a practice of de-essentialization of culture because symbolical relation as in Bedhaya Bedhaya Madiun which is related to historical consciousness becomes no longer important; 3) There is an emphasis on visualization for dance movement and music accompaniment along with the make up and clothing. One example is the use of Batik cloth with Parangkusuma motif which is part of Panembahan Senapati symbol, that can be replaced with other motifs such as Parang Klithik. It can be seen when Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun staged in a series of World Dance Day on 29 April 2015; 4) The classification of tourism dance as Soedarsono (1999) does not apply to items 1), 3), and 4).
Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun as a tourist attraction is not a replica of the original. It is not full of variation (variations only on a few visual elements), and cheap or expensive becomes very relative. Special for point 4, the sacred element is not present in the reality of staging but moves to hyper reality that is in the fantasy and nostalgia of the audience (Kurniati, interview, 2016).
Performances of Bedhaya Puro, especially Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun also had ever been performed nationally and internationally, among others are in: Mangkunagaran art mission in Paris, France (1989); Palace festival number III in Tenggarong, East Kalimantan (2002) 2) Experts say that to make an attraction is worth selling, it must be rare, valuable, and desirable. It seems that we, Mangkunagaran, have it all (3 criteria). Sri Paduka (K.G.P.A.A. Mangkunegoro IX) has allowed Puro's wisdoms such as Bedhaya to be witnessed by the community, certainly with certain conditions such as not being presented intact (the dance) and the parts of the inheritance related ceremony should not be run. The packaging for the community's offerings is entirely handed over to Kemantren Langenpraja, since the valuable and desirable presentation should see the development of society as well. Actually, we still have a chance, as a cultural preservation institution like our predecessors' trust, and we can take advantage of this tourism as an interaction with the community.
3) Assets or not real assets are not our territory, but the atmosphere seems to be impartial to us. Bedhaya is a part of us and has a certain meaning for us, then it seems we are being urged to give up that change.
Implicative questions from the interviewees questions are: a) Implicitly, there is a pressure felt by Puro, but there is no other choice than taking the advantage of the chance. Transformation of cultural context from idealism to materialism actually is unwanted, but it seems that the whole world is leaning towards it. Tourism was a temporary economic activity in the past era before independence proclmataion of Indonesia because it could suffice in financing itself with various business activities rather than in the field of tourism, and never make the art of his property as a tourist attraction. Puro (like its predecessor's message) still thinks that matter is a means not a destination. Puro really needs money, but there may be a more appropriate way to keep the importance of virtue values. Despite being in material territory, Puro strives to be as much as possible in the different sides of hedonism. b) During the time when they were following economic tourism activity, Puro realized that there is an indication of commodification, but they were keep trying to place Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun as a commodity by using the cultural place as a public place, which makes the economic -politic practice in relation to the development of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun to have a valuable meaning in the event of appreciated by the tourism community. Dramatization -as commonly happens in the packs of tourist attractions -will happen by itself after linking Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun with issues of feminism and reflective awareness.
c) Puro now stands in two different territories. One remains in the realm of cultural preservation and another one is in the economic realm, but with the hope that at the right moment Puro will strengthen his position in maintaining a stable cultural significance while still remaining in the contemporary context. Question that being asked to the interviewee 2 a. Is it true that Langenpraja is getting instruction to "allow" Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun to be used as something that is reliable for the advancement of world tourism?
b. If it is true, what is the respond that appear in Kemantren Langenpraja circle including yourself? c. Is there any space that allow profanation of Bedhaya to happen even if it is actually not for the public?
Answers of interviewee 2 1) Actually, I cannot say let go or not let go. We (Kemantren Langenpraja) only get instructions to compose Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun as a dance that can later be presented to the community both inside and outside the Puro. This is not an easy thing for us, because we have to change (in the new composition) Bedhaya that has been part of the wingit (sacred) things in us into a performance "ordinary dance". But luckily, we saw the other side. There are some Puro activities that (long ago) became our meeting place (Puro) with the general public. This "regular dance" may hopefully add to our "flavor" with the community.
Not necessarily the people who come to Puro to see Bedhaya dance. We can go to the community to bring our dances to be watched by the public. We think this is a positive thing for us. Hopefully, our hope to make the community come to preserve the art of tradition can be more easily to be realized.
2) We actually have thought about changes long time ago, one of the change is durations of dance that may be reduced. We also get input from outside dancers (Puro) about the dance that people want. In essence, Bedhaya dance which is its wingit attached can be seen clearly through the repetition, although in our opinion we cannot see the repetition. Certain movements when repeated on other parts seem to remain different. We also recognize that people do not necessarily agree with this practice of this kewingitan, so we choose to shorten the length of the performance by reducing the repetitions.
Implicative questions from the interviewees' answers are: a) That desacralization of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun does not delete the original version. Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun in short version then being an interaction media with the society and Puro. It is certainly together with the hope that society still can memorize the original version. Seeing Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun's short version accompanied by memories of the original version becomes a "jumbuh" or unifying sense of appreciation towards Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun guided by reflective awareness. This is an indication of the practice of reproduction of meaning. b) Puro also actively build the reflective awareness by performing Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun in short version outside of the palace even to the outside of the nation. c) Profanation of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun is being used as a gap space for political rooms, a launch discursive discourse that emancipated because people can still appreciate the dance without fee-ling the hegemony.
Questions that being asked to interviewee 3 a. Where did you learn to dance and how far has the art of dance inspired your life?
b. As a dancer who has long served in Puro Mangkunagaran, is there a difference between sacred and non-sacred dance?
c. Is there any special preparation when dancing these 2 dance classes? d. Do you understand and appreciate the theme of this dance (Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun)?

The answer of interviewee 3
For most of my life I have been in the Javanese dance world and that is my world. Up and down, happy and hard, everything I have lived. I have danced in Puro since 1985. All Mangkunagaran dance especially princess dance I've ever brought, including sacred dance like Bedhaya. Bedhaya which is danced in Puro requires inner and outer preparation, unlike "ordinary" dance. I live the sacred and the unsacred because dancing is my profession. The feeling that being used when performing Bedhaya dance is more difficult because there is no explicit characterization. I personally do the appreciation and imagine what is being experienced by the two figures in Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun. Those are Sinuwun Panembahan (Senapati) and Retna Dumilah. Fantasy like this helps the appreciation of the taste while dancing a dance. The point is that traditional dance is my life choice and will continue to run with pleasure and responsibility.
Implicative questions from the answers of the interviewees are: a) Repression is not perceived by the dancer, otherwise become a provision in carrying out his profession. Dancing is a lifestyle, including the control of behavior based on the dramatized figure in the Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun dance. b) Desacralization of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun is part of the role undertaken with spesial appreciation. Fantasy of the original of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun helps the dance in the version of tourist attraction. c) Being a special note that this interviewee usually play a role as a batak, which is a symbol of intelligent.
Questions that being asked to the interviewee 4 a. Since when do you like Bedhaya-Srimpi dance, and what do you think about bedhaya that can now be enjoyed by the wider community?
b. What values of local wisdom do you think stand out in bedhaya-srimpi dance, and are these values worth defending?
c. How much do you spend to get here (Solo) from Jakarta until you find the tourist attraction that you want to see?
Answer of interviewee 4: Actually I am not a new person in the art enthusiast in palace circle. Even if I am not a descendant of the palace, I like the palace dances. There is a magical thing that I can feel when I see the sacred dance live in the palace (Including in the Mangkunagaran). Sacred dance that has been changed like what I am seeing now also not become a problem. I can still enjoy the performances while memorizing the old time when I see the original version lived in Mangkunagaran. Even if without the absent of Sri Paduka (Mangkunagoro) VII, I still can imagine his absence. I can enjoy the dance performance that has long duration because it is part of my heart journey in traversing the short time. I am really happy to be here (World Dance Day event), and feels like all people can dance. I have lot of friends that has a same opinion like me.
Implicative questions from the answer of the interviewees: a) From the perspective of audience, especially the audiences having special interest to sacred dance, they usually concern with the originality of dance since they expect to be able to see deep apprec-tion of certain values contained in dance.
b) Reflective awareness also underlines lifestyle. The consumption of the meaning of hyper reality becomes the phenomenological behavior of the individual, like the current tendency while imagining themselves in a social environment. c) Knowledge and consciousness become the basic of symbolic communication and is not merely seen as an event of exchange of commodities especially the commodities that based on the role of money as an intermediary of communication.

CONCLUSION
Based on the problem and aim of this research, findings in this research are: (1) There is a desacralization practice in the performance of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun in its objectivity as a tourism attraction from the deletion of ritual elements of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun as an attribute of legitimate power of Mangkunegoro VII; (2) Respond and cultural practice in the performance objectification of Bedhaya Bedhah Madiun has a potency in changing the sign system in its relation to Bedhaya dance's meaning and dance classification as a dance tourism by Soedarsono; (3) Tourism potentially repressive for the deontologization of reflective awareness is actually seen by Puro as a political amplifier of space for interaction with the wider community; (4) Puro as an active institution in relation to culture is still doing the production-reproduction of meaning through respond and cultural practice, and tourism becomes its stimulant.