THE HISTORY AND VALUES OF TOLERANCE IN TABOT TRADITIONAL CEREMONIES IN BENGKULU SOCIETY

This article aims to reveal the history of the Tabot tradition and the values of tolerance contained in the Tabot celebration in each month of Muharram in the Bengkulu Society. This research method uses qualitative and history methods, with data collection through documents, interviews, and observations to the perpetrators of the Tabot, traditional leaders, and the community around the Tabot event in Bengkulu. The results of this study indicate that; First, the Tabot tradition is related to the growth and development of Islam in Bengkulu, which was developed by a Shiite Islamic cleric from southern India named Syeh Burhanuddin who was later better known as Imam Senggolo, namely in the 18th century. He introduced the procedures of the Tabot ceremony to the people of Bengkulu, who then passed on to their descendants who assimilated with the people of Bengkulu. Secondly, the values of tolerance in the tabot ceremony every month in Muharram in Bengkulu include mutual respect, mutual respect, help, and cooperation. This is evidenced in the Tabot ceremony activities open to the public so that all people can follow it and do not side with a particular religion, ethnicity, and culture of a particular community, but embrace all the differences that exist. Tabot tradition activities are not only as a religious activity but also are expected to reduce the division of society and also nonMuslims in the city of Bengkulu.


INTRODUCTION
Human culture has seven elements, which are then called universal cultural elements (Sumbulah & Nurjanah, 2014). The seven elements that can be referred to as the main contents of each culture in the world are language, knowledge systems, social organizations, systems of living equipment and technology, systems of livelihoods, religious systems, and arts (Koentjaraningrat, 2010).
Local culture in every culture is the result of learning, not biological inheritance. Local culture is a social inheritance through enculturation, which is the process of inheriting something from one generation to the next (Rochmiatun, 2017). Thus, it can be said that local culture is local ideas or teachings that have good, wise, and full of moral values so that they are applied by people in their daily lives to develop their culture, human resources, or natural resources. Therefore, local culture is a cultural embodiment that should continue to be used as guidelines and guidelines for life by the community (Abdullah, 2017).
Indonesia has an extraordinary wealth, among its wealth is a variety of exciting cultures, among the cultures contained in Indonesia, is Tabot. The word tabot comes from the word "Ark" which comes from the Arabic' At-tabutu' which means a chest made of wood (Dahri, 2017). But according to the general understanding in the area of Bengkulu City, Tabot is a miniature building that resembles a pagoda or minaret of a mosque the terraces are made of wood and bamboo frames, sometimes in the building plus other forms such as human-headed birds, fish, traditional houses and so on. The building is decorated with colorful paper and other decorations (Dahri, 2017).
Tabot is a traditional ceremony of the people of Bengkulu held every month Muharram to commemorate the story of the hero Hussein bin Ali ibn Abi Talib, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, who died in battle in the Karbala desert, Iraq. The ceremony, which was originally used by the Shiites to commemorate the death of the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, since the original inhabitants of Bengkulu (Sipai) were free from Shiite influence, turned into merely a family obligation to fulfill the will of their ancestors. Later, this ceremony was also used as a form of participation of Sipai people in preserving Bengkulu's traditional culture. Since 1990, this ceremony has become the tourism agenda of Bengkulu City and is now better known as the Tabot Festival (Handayani, 2013).
The Tabot ceremony actually not only developed in the Bengkulu community, but also reached the Painan, Padang, Pariaman, Maninjau, Pidie, Banda Aceh, Meulaboh, and Singkil communities. In its development, Tabot's activities then disappeared in many places. At present, there are only two places that carry out this ceremony, namely Bengkulu and Pariaman, West Sumatera, who call it Tabuik (Rochmiatun, 2017).
Bengkulu Province, with several regional tribes, has a diversity of local culture, traditional culture, and culture, which contains ethical and moral values, as well as norms that strongly prioritize the preservation of environmental functions, namely the tabot celebration. Values in the commemoration of tabot are integrated into the diverse lives of Bengkulu people, serving as guidelines for behaving in tolerance and interacting with nature, providing a strong foundation for environmental management, making the relationship between humans and nature more harmonious and harmonious as shown in the human view in the first phase of the evolution of human relations with nature.
Cultural diversity is a historical and social reality that cannot be denied by anyone. The uniqueness of these diverse cultures has implications for the mindset, behavior, and personal character of each as a tradition that lives in society and the region. The traditions formed will differ from one tribe to another. Intercultural struggles provide opportunities for conflict when mutual understanding and respect and tolerance do not occur.
Fostering a tolerant attitude towards others must start from the awareness of each individual that tolerance and respect for others. It including respecting and valuing the beliefs of other religions are part of religious teachings and are an obligation that must be done, which will ultimately be beneficial to foster social relations that good, open, and healthy (Roqib, 2011).
Related to tabot research, the results of previous studies, including Astuti research, showed that the Tabot ceremony in Bengkulu was a hereditary tradition which carried out annually, and was taken as an asset to the area. The ceremony was conducted by nine ritual, where each ritual is laden with messages and meanings that carries meaning and tells a history or story (Astuti, 2016). Over time, the results of research conducted by Ridwan that there is a shift in the meaning of Tabot, from religious ritual, became a cultural festival in Bengkulu. Some people question the authenticity of Tabot and consider that it deviates the teachings of religion. However, the study found that the Tabot Festival is no longer belongs to a particular individual or group, but it has become a common property of Bengkulu society. It has become a cultural heritage that must be preserved (Ridwan, 2016).
Besides that, the results of Syaputra's research showed that Tabot Ritual Ceremony in Bengkulu is full of character values, symbolized from the equipment used, the philosophical foundation in each activity, and values that are reflected in the activities undertaken. From what has been found, the character values contained in Tabot Ritual Ceremonies are religious values, the spirit of struggle, love peace, brotherhood, hard work, self, love of the homeland, caring culture, and responsibility, which fits the character education proposed by the curriculum center of Indonesia (Syaputra, 2019).
From some of the results of previous studies of the tabot, all reveal in terms of history, the origin of the tabot into Bengkulu. Besides that, it only reveals the change of the tabot tradition, which was originally a religious tradition, into a bidai festival. No one has examined the tradition of tabot from historical aspects that have tolerance values in it. With the values in the celebration of the tabot in Bengkulu society, which are diverse, it is a form of behaving tolerance and interacting with people of different ethnicities, religions, and cultures this makes the relationship between people more harmonious. Although in history, tabot is a religious tradition whose aim is to remember the story of the hero Hussein bin Ali ibn Abi Talib, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad SAW. But, in the development of tabot tradition activities in the city of Bengkulu, as an alternative in instilling the value of relevant tolerance is grown in the community so that they appreciate diversity. Therefore, further research needs to be done on the early history of entry and development of the tabot and tolerance values in the celebration of the tabot in Bengkulu Society.

RESEARCH METHODS
This type of research used in this study is the field and literature, where the author uses a descriptive normative and history research approach with more emphasis on the power of data analysis on existing data sources. What is meant by field studies and literature is any efforts made by researchers to gather the information that is relevant to the topic or problem to be or is being researched. That information can be obtained from the research field, namely the Tabot Family, Tabot actors, community leaders, and religious leaders in Bengkulu City, scientific books, research reports, scientific essays, and other written sources, both printed and electronic.
The methods used in data collection are interviews, observation, and documentation. To analyze the data, the researchers used four stages, namely heuristics, criticism or verification, interpretation, and historiography. The last stage is the researchers draw conclusions from the data that has been presented or look for important points that are easy to understand. These stages, mainly used to prima-ry data sources were obtained from information from the Tabot community, perpetrators of the Tabot and documents owned by the Tabot extended family.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The Tabot Tradition History in Bengkulu
The Tabot ceremony is a memorial service for the Iraq war in the month of Muharram in 61 Hijriyah (681 AD). It is in commemoration of the death of the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad SAW, Imam Husein bin Ali ibn Abi Talib who is also the Third Imam of the Shiites (Armstrong, 2009 (Rochmiatun, 2017). One of the migrants was a Shia cleric named Syeh Burhanuddin, who was later better known as Imam Senggolo. He was the first to introduce the Tabot ceremony to the people of Bengkulu who felt around Fort Marlborough at the time. The ceremony is then passed on to descendants of their descendants, some of whom then assimilated with Bengkulu people (Syiafril, 2015).
There is one source that says that the tabot tradition originated from the arrival of the group of Imam Maulana Irshad from Punjab, India, which numbered 13 people (Hamidi, 2000). Furthermore, the Tabot tradition was brought to the areas visited by the Arabian Peninsula along with the spread of Islam to various parts of the world, including Bengkulu. Before arriving in Bengkulu, the Indians had settled in Aceh, but because they did not get an adequate response, they left Aceh and landed in Bengkulu in 756 or 757 H (1336 AD) (Fakhri, 2001). So what brought Tabot culture in Bengkulu was Indians from Punjab, and the origin of the Tabot ceremony was from the Arabian Peninsula.
The Tabot tradition for generations in Bengkulu contains two aspects of ritual and non-ritual. The ritual element should only be carried out by the Tabot Family and be led by a Tabot shaman or a trusted person who has special provisions and norms that must be obeyed (Nevian, 2015). Tabot rituals in Bengkulu are grouped into two types. First, Tabot as a rite, which means a whole series of ritual activities carried out from the night of 1-10 Muharram. As a rite, the Tabot ritual is led by a member of the Tabot family who masters in detail this ritual and who is considered to have spiritual ability to carry out the ritual. Second, Tabot is more physical in nature. Tabot, in this sense, is understood as an ornament in the form of a temple or house that has one or more peaks of different sizes made from specific materials and is devoted to Tabot rituals (Tabot, 2012). The ritual consists of nine series of tabot tradition events. First, take the soil (1st-4th of Muharram), the land taken must contain magical elements and must, therefore, be taken from a sacred place. Thus, the land acquisition must be carried out at a specific location, that is, the area there are only two places in the city of Bengkulu, namely: first, the Sacred Tread Paderi, which is located on the waterfront about 100 meters north of Fort Marlborough. At the tip of a reef that is higher than the surface of the beach, at the right corner of the Old Harbor. Second, Keramat Anggut, which is located in the Bengkulu. This ceremony is likened to a sign of deliberation in the face of war. The ceremony is equipped with offerings in the form of white and white porridge, brown sugar, betel seven eardrops, seven cigarettes, bitter coffee water, serabot water (ginger), pure cow's milk, sandalwood water, and water basil. Then offerings are prayed and left at the location of the land acquisition (Sinaga, 2001). Second, seated Penja (washing fingers) (5th Muharram), Penja is an object made of brass, silver, or copper in the form of a human palm complete with fingers. Penja (pending radius) is made of copper/brass, then stored in a basket in a place in the house of the Tabot Descendant Family (KKT). It starts by lowering Penja to be washed, equipped with offerings consisting of serobat water, pure milk water, bitter coffee water, sandalwood and basil water, lime juice, golden banana, and sugar cane as well as kebuli and emping rice.
Third, Meradai (collecting funds) was held on the 6th of Muharram, which was carried out by Jola (the person in charge of taking funds for community activities, usually consisting of children aged 10-12 years). Fourth, Menjara (visiting), 6th-7th of Muharram means to see other groups to test/compete for dol (drum), a kind of drum made of wood with a hole in the middle and covered with ox skin. Fifth, Penja Arak (parade the penja), which is placed inside the Tabot and marched in the main streets of Bengkulu City.
Sixth, parade the penja added with a white turban (surban) and placed on a small Tabot. Seventh, Gam (calm/ mourning), is a stage in the Tabot ceremony that must be obeyed. Gam stage is a time when no activity is allowed. Eight, Arak Gendang (parade the drum), held on the 09th of Muharram or the 10th night of Muharram, and this stage begins with the release of Tabot Besanding (adjoining the tabot) in their respective saws. Ninth, Tabot Tebuang (The place of the Tabot) which was held on the 10th of Muharam (Rochmatin, 2018). The area of the Tabot ritual was wasted because there was buried by Imam Senggolo (Syeh Burhanuddin), the pioneer of the Tabot ceremony in Bengkulu (Sinaga, 2001).
All of them are interesting because the Ark tradition combines the diversity of Indonesian culture, which is full of noble cultural, religious (sacred), historical, and social values (Syiafril, 2015). The ritual of the Ark was held as a manifestation of love as well as remembering the story of heroism and death of the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, Husein ibn Ali ibn Abi Talib in battle with Ubaidillah bin Zaid's forces in the Karbala desert, Iraq at 10th of Muharram 61 Hijri (681 AD).
Based on the statement of the Chairperson of the Tabot Family Association in Bengkulu, the ritual then continues to be held each year for generations by members of the Bengkulu Family Harmony (KKT), from 1th to 10th of Muharram as an effort to commemorate and revitalize the Islamic New Year. "This tradition originated from the descendants of Husein. When Husein died, there was only one boy left and a few girls. Zainal Abidin was the one who gave birth" (Shahbuddin, personal communication, 2019).
The essence of the 10-day ceremony is a symbol of gathering all the parts of Hussein's body, then paraded and buried in Padang Karbala. It is also a symbol of social concern about the practice of human life that often justifies any means such as betrayal to achieve power. When viewed from a historical perspective, the cultural substance of the Tabot is a symbol of all social concerns (Rohimin, 2011). Thus, the historical value contained in the culture of Tabot is a manifestation of love and to commemorate the death of the Prophet Muhammad's grandson, Husein bin Abi Talib. He was killed in Padang Karbala and also as an expression of hostility towards the Bani Umayyah family in general and, in particular, Yazid bin Muawiyah. Yazid bin Muawiyah is the caliph of the Umayyads. They ruled at that time, along with the Governor of 'Ubaidillah bin Ziyad. He ordered the attack on Husayn bin' Alî and his army.
The social values contained in it, among others: remind people of the practice of halal all means to reach the peak of power and the symbolization of social concern.
In the history of its development, this Tabot ritual ceremony experienced a shift. This shift can be seen from the Tabot family group, which is divided into two parts: the traditional family and the nontraditional family. A traditional family is a Tabot family that still maintains traditions received from ancestors and is closed to external influences (Antoni, 2019). This traditional family resulted in the birth of the Tabot Family Harmony Organization (KKT). In 1991, the idea of forming the Tabot Family Harmony was born, at that time Bengkulu Province was invited to Jakarta to display its cultural arts. Bengkulu presents Tabot with its dhol music. After that came, the idea of Tabot figures to form Tabot Family Harmony (KKT). In 1993, a chairman and member of the Tabot Family Harmony (KKT) was formed (Bina, 2014).
For the non-family of Tabot, Tabot is considered a regional culture for tourism purposes. Tabot for non-family groups Tabot is interpreted as one of the potential cultural products for the interests of regional tourism (Ridwan, personal communication, 2019). This is the view that was developed by local governments by bringing up the term development Tabot. The purpose of the development Tabot is the Tabot building, which consists of various regions in Bengkulu, and overall the entire Bengkulu community participated in celebrating and enlivening the Tabot celebration.
Thus, in its journey through the process of assimilation, accommodation, and cultural interaction that is quite intense between the Shiite nuanced Tabot rituals with Bengkulu local cultures, the Tabot experienced a cultural metamorphose. So even though Tabot was initially held in the framework of implementing Shi'ite traditions as ideology, it turned into local wisdom or only as a cultural Shi'a practice. In this context, the Tabot ceremony is no longer seen as a practice of religious ideology but instead interpreted as a tradition.
During this reform period, the Tabot ceremony was supported by the government, and the festival became Regional Original Revenue (PAD) in Bengkulu. It can be said that the Tabot ceremony has become a kind of performance art in the real sense (Ikram, 2014& Dahri, 2017. As a result, the accompanying ritual was naturally mostly pure as a spectacle, including the existence of the exhibition development and night market arena at the center of the festival in Merdeka Bengkulu Field, which drew the attention of the audience. Based on the description above, that from year to year, the Tabot ritual ceremony, which was initially a religious ritual (sacred), becomes a Tabot cultural festival. The ritual that initially underlies it and becomes the center of all the traditional ceremonies is now even impressed as merely complementary. The supporting activities of Tabot festival are the presence of various Tabot-Contest Contests, Bazaars and exhibitions, and Tabot charm night. The success of the Tabot Festival is highly dependent on the support and participation of multiple parties, both the Bengkulu community, the private sector, and related agencies, as well as the business world.
From some of the previous explanations, the Tabot tradition in Bengkulu has initially been a religious ceremony that was adapted into an ethnic-cultural festi-val. This ceremony originated from the tradition of the Shiite sect that commemorates the death of Husen in Padang Karbala (AD 680). This Tabot tradition was brought down from Iraq to the south of Asia by Indians in 136-1405. Later, this tradition was brought from India to Bengkulu by Indian Muslims who worked in the British South Indian company who were working on the Fort Malborough project in 1336. So, the workers were the first people to hold the Tabor festival in Bengkulu. Inline over time, it was only Indian Shi'ites who celebrated the festival, but also Bengkulu people themselves. In its development, the Tabot Ceremony was later claimed by Bengkulu people as a cultural heritage passed down from their ancestors. In recent times, the religious element in the ceremony has diminished, while the ethnic-cultural aspects have become more assertive.

The Values of Tolerance Behavior in the Tabot Tradition
In the development of the Tabot ceremony experienced various adjustments to the local culture of Bengkulu Malay. That was caused by the interaction that took place between the carriers of the Tabot culture. Then also the local cultural actors who had already existed in Bengkulu. Furthermore, Koentjaraningrat stated: the cultural form is called a social system or social system, regarding the patterned actions of humans themselves. This social system consists of human activities that interact, relate, and mingle with each other from seconds to seconds, from day to day, and from year to year, always according to specific patterns that are based on customs. As a series of human activities in a society, the social system is concrete, happening around us every day, can be observed, photographed, and documented. (Koentjaraningrat, 2010) The above statement reinforces that religion and culture are very closely related, as Bassam Tibi said that religion is a cultural system and, therefore, symbolic; as a model for reality, religion cannot be experimentally penetrated but only interpretatively. This theory will be used to see the position of the role of each party in the city of Bengkulu as a system that supports the Tabot celebration. The parties include family members of Tabot descent, academics, government, legislative institutions, traditional organizations, religious organizations, business people and other tribal organizations outside the Tabot family in Bengkulu City.
With the process of interaction between tribes, the religion that occurs before and during the cultural festival forms a harmonious relationship between people in Bengkulu City from various races. This shifting phenomenon is normal. As long as it is caused by awareness and consensus, it must be seen as a positive change to encourage the realization of harmony, social integration, and tolerance for the people in Bengkulu City. According to functional, structural theory, the factors that integrate social systems are the consensus of community members about specific social values (Sumbulah & Nurjanah, 2014).
In society, there are always specific primary goals and principles for the majority of members of the community who regard and accept them as absolutely correct. The value system is not only a source that causes the development of social integration but also an element that stabilizes the system social culture itself (Garna, 1999).
Based on the results of research in the Tabot ritual, we found the values of tolerance education in the Tabot Festival in Bengkulu City. First, cultivating mutual respect. Cultivation of mutual respect is a form of care for people with different beliefs or understandings (Maksum, 2014). The inculcation of mutual respect for internal religious and interreligious belief in Tabot traditions and festivals is not to offend the understanding of others. It can be seen from the festival activities that are open to all religions, tribes, and cultures and not to bad-mouth each other Muslims and their non-Muslim fellows. Because every community organization must have its basis and interpretation, and each person has a different heart and confidence in dedicating himself to God. Besides, Tabot traditions and festivals do not cause fanaticism. This fanatic attitude is dangerous because it can divide the unity. The second form of inculcation of respect was seen in the Tabot festival, where participants were not restricted in terms of ethnicity or religion. Second, the cultivating mutual appreciate. Appreciate is a form of appreciation of what is seen, and invites others to work on or to discuss a problem, which also involves other people regardless of who they are and how they are (Rohimin, 2011). The inculcation of mutual appreciation for internal religious and interreligious belief in Tabot traditions and festivals is by making the concept of participants appreciate the differences that exist in Bengkulu City. It consists of various community organizations that finally blend and unite in the idea of tabot festivals. This was done so that all levels of the community of Bengkulu could participate in the festival without any restrictions. The Tabot Committee treats all participants equally; none is specific or discriminated against. They accept all the differences that come from various community organizations and non-Muslim societies and do not differentiate between Muslims from various community organizations and non-Muslim institutions. This is done solely to foster a spirit of unity and love for peace despite having many differences of understanding in the activities of the Tabot festival.
Third, planting attitudes helping. Helping is an attitude of mutual assistance among human beings. The form of planting a helping attitude in the activities of the Tabot festival is collecting funds (Meradai) carried out by the person in charge of taking funds for community activities, which was held on the 6th of Muharram (Handayani, 2013). Thus, the community provides compensation, aims to fund collectors sincerely for those in need. All that was given was not for personal purposes, but for the tabot activity in the hope that it could lighten the burden of the organizing committee.

The Cultivating Mutual Attitudes Cooperate
Cooperation is an activity carried out by several people to achieve a common goal (Tobroni, 2014). The form of planting collaboration among the community in the Tabot Festival is by collaborating with residents and the Tabot organizer when the festival will be held by forming a committee.
Collaboration arises when the head of the committee explains the concept of the festival before the implementation. The chair of the committee describes the job descriptions of the parties before holding the activity. He had a management meeting with the residents and explained how the concept of tabot activities was made so that the residents knew about the program. Then if the management of the residents approves or accepts, the organizer makes a coordinating committee with the residents.
Cooperation that also arises not only from Muslims but cooperation also arises from non-Muslims and not only indigenous people but also from various other citizens. Even this tabot activity is not only interested in Muslims but also non-Muslim. There are values of tolerance education in tabot activities in Bengkulu City. It is because the festival is indeed open to the public so that everyone can follow it and do not side with one particular religion, ethnicity, and culture but embrace all the differences that exist. Besides, this tabot program is not only a religious activity but is also expected to reduce the divisions of the community and even non-Muslims.
Based on the description above, the Tabot ritual in the City of Bengkulu is what Emile Durkheim calls a tool to strengthen social solidarity. Social solidarity in question is a relationship between individuals or groups based on togetherness. According to Yamin and Aulia, social solidarity is stronger in society when compared to contracts with a rational agreement (Yamin & Aulia, 2013). The same belief is also a supporter of collective awareness. But for further developments, with social solidarity, people of various religions can also work together and support each other (Dahri, 2017).
The Tabot celebration, not only Muslims but also all religious followers (Christians, Catholics, Hindus, Buddhists, and even Confucians), always participated in the festival. Tabot celebrations provide ample room for followers of religion and beliefs to participate. Ethnic and ethnic pluralism in Bengkulu City was given the broadest possible space to participate. For example, during Tabot celebrations, it is always enlivened by barongsai performances, Reog Ponorogo, jumping horses, the arts, and culture of the archipelago and other ethnic cultures. It means that Tabot celebrations can strengthen social solidarity in the community by creating togetherness in a pluralistic society (Feener, 2000). Tabot is not only a Shi'ite Islamic tradition but change into a cultural ritual supported by non-ritual factors such as festivals, bazaars, performing arts. This opens up space for community participation outside the core community of the Tabot family. And then it leads to the creation of a harmonious relationship between religions and tribes in the city of Bengkulu.